Africa (Commonwealth) _ Since April of this year, Ethiopia’s Amhara region has been the epicenter of political turmoil and military conflict, with Fano ethnic groups battling with the federal government. Calls for the cessation of hostilities from national and international actors have gone ignored.
In her October state of the federation address, President Sahle-Work Zewde emphasized the importance of discussion on significant problems separating the political elite and public. In August, African Union (AU) Commission Chairperson Moussa Faki Mahamat urged sides to “immediately cease fighting,” as well as “protecting civilians” and “engaging in dialogue to find a peaceful solution.” He reaffirmed the African Union’s support for an “inter-Ethiopian initiative” to achieve peace and stability. However, the dispute still persists.
Before the Tigray conflict erupted in November 2020, the Amhara area was mostly calm. However, its armed forces and ethnic militias fought with the federal government against Tigrayan forces. Prior to the battle, the regional administration annexed disputed territories like as Wolkayt, Humera, Tselemti, and Raya to Tigray’s authority.
The conflict concluded in November 2022, when the AU-mediated cessation of hostilities accord (CoHA) was signed. Regional Special units were incorporated into national security organizations such as the Ethiopian National Defence Force (ENDF), federal police, and regional police units by the federal government. However, Amhara political parties resisted unification, resulting in the defection of regional Special Forces personnel to the Fano ethnic militia.
Some Amharas feel the reintegration plan demonstrates Ethiopia’s and the AU’s inability to disarm the Tigray People’s Liberation Front, a CoHA criterion. According to Article 11 of the agreement, the AU began the AU Monitoring, Verification, and Compliance Mission in December 2022 and moved the whole staff to Mekele in January. The mission stated in May of this year that the disarming of Tigrayan forces was 85% to 90% complete. The AU Commission extended the mission’s mandate by six months in June.
However, Amhara soldiers do not feel their Tigrayan counterparts have been effectively disarmed, owing to decades of rivalry and mistrust between the two areas’ political elites. This tense connection was exacerbated by recent memories and war trauma.
The Amhara troops are especially concerned about the fate of the disputed regions of Wolkayt and Raya. They see the federal government’s proposal to settle the dispute by a vote as an attempt to drive them out of these regions. They claim that the government has failed to safeguard ethnic Amharas across the country from attacks, notably those carried out by the Oromo Liberation Army in Oromia.
While opposition to government reintegration is the immediate source of conflict with Amhara forces, the conflict has been driven by a number of historical and structural causes. Similarly, Amhara elites suspect that the CoHA switched Tigrayan forces and the government’s affiliations against it because of deep-seated historical enmity and mistrust.
In reaction to the situation, the administration has implemented a full-fledged security strategy. The ENDF was instructed to disarm Amhara Special Forces personnel who refused to comply with the government’s request for disarmament. Despite the fact that the ENDF’s mission encountered little armed opposition, officials
Amhara defectors joined forces with Fano militants, indicating that reintegration was effective. They carried out coordinated attacks on local and regional officials. Ethiopia’s Council of Ministers promptly imposed a state of emergency in Amhara, infringing on individuals’ civil and political rights and jeopardizing livelihoods.
The AU Peace and Security Council (PSC) should consider the Amhara situation to be more than just a local security issue in one of its member nations. To minimize spillover across the area, it should include continental actors early, according to its credo of “African solutions to African problems.”
